Wealth in Germany has a morally complicated past, tied primarily to the systematic dispossession of Jews – see, for example, de Jong’s new book Nazi Billionaires. Especially given the historically strong “culture of remembrance” (currently under fire by the rise of the far right, as discussed by Cynthia Miller-Idriss), the wealthy in Germany often try to distance themselves from this past – and, therefore, from their wealth, too. As part of this, they typically do not educate their children in particular schools designed to serve a wealthy clientele – so-called “elite schools”.

Elite schools are usually understood to be secondary schools that serve students from high-status families. They are often private schools that charge high fees, teach a sophisticated curriculum, and have illustrious alumni and expansive, well-resourced campuses (Gaztambide-Fernández, 2009). Importantly, they are also recognized by the general public as “elite”, which gives them their symbolic power. Elite schools in England (Eton, Harrow, etc.) and the United States (Phillips Exeter, St. Paul’s, etc.) have been shown by a vast body of literature to play a role in the reproduction of wealth, status and power. In this way, they exemplify a phenomenon noted by Mario Novelli that when school systems privilege some (the wealthy) and undermine others, education becomes a cog in the wheel of social and economic inequality.

Germany, however, has no agreed-upon set of elite schools. It instead has what is often referred to as an egalitarian educational system, because most college-preparatory secondary schools are of roughly the same quality, teaching to the same state-given leaving exam (the Abitur), upon which university admission is based. Does this mean Germany then also has an egalitarian society? Unfortunately, no. In comparison to most other developed economies, according to the OECD, wealth inequality in the country is amongst the highest, and social mobility is amongst the lowest.

One aspect of this phenomenon may be the nature of capitalist development discussed by Mario Novelli. Because, as Piketty has shown, inherited capital has greater returns than productive capital, investing in education may not bring the economic gains that it once did. Another issue may be one of misconstruction. Not having a system of elite schooling does not necessarily mean having, instead, an educational system that is egalitarian.

In fact, wealth in Germany has been shown to influence both individual outcomes and the landscape of schooling itself. In terms of outcomes, it’s important to note that Germany has a tracking system starting in year 4, when students are usually 10 years old. Each child is assigned to one of three tracks based on academic ability as assessed by teachers: Hauptschule, which prepares students for manual jobs; Realschule, for skilled non-manual jobs; and Gymnasium, for university.

Michael Sciffer and Laura Perry tie tracking to inter-generational inequalities. This is due to the combination of facts that how one is tracked can be linked to socioeconomic background and that tracking directly influences what an individual can achieve later in life. In Germany, children from wealthy families are more likely to be tracked higher and therefore attend university. This outcome is mediated by family resources (such as tutoring but also expectations), teachers’ assumptions that wealthy children will succeed, and wealthy parents’ pressure on schools to recommend their children for Gymnasium (Blossfeld et al., 2015; Dräger, 2022; Glaesser, 2008).

The scant literature examining this phenomenon in Germany treats it essentially as an issue of class. However, increasing racial diversity, highlighted by Cynthia Miller-Idriss, means that it will – if it hasn’t already – become an issue that also intersects with race.

Regarding how wealth contours the educational landscape, schools in Germany have increasingly diversified and specialized over time in response to the needs and desires (and, therefore, market pressures) of wealthy families (Ullrich & Strunck, 2009). In part, this has been influenced by foreign educational systems and a generalized anxiety that without elite schools, Germany cannot keep up with international competition (Krüger et al., 2012) – although, of course, as Frank Adamson argues, educational ideas are never strictly imported or exported, but instead adapted to the context. At the same time, there is also a growing trend of sending children to elite schools abroad (Zymek, 2014).

Still, to date, we know little about why wealthy families in Germany make certain educational decisions – the topic of my new research project. What role do they envision formal schooling playing in processes of social reproduction? And, in the words of Karishma Desai and Chris Kirchgasler, what class anxieties do recent developments in the educational landscape speak to?

August 1, 2024